Friday, August 27, 2010

List Of Good Pokemon Teams

Sul concetto di progresso

There is a phrase that Pasolini, it ignores the reason, I am reminded every time I see I see the traffic of Athens, or throw garbage undifferentiated in the bin, or when I turn the light antiecologica the apartment where I live. The Friulian poet said: "I believe in progress, what they believe is not development." It is difficult nowadays to capture the nuances of this difference, especially since most of the mass media has served up in recent years the concepts of development and productivity values \u200b\u200bas not only positive, but positive overall, epistemological. Something that is so positive that it can not be questioned. Well, at a time when everything seems to change (or at least can be questioned) I hear that the Law 626 on occupational safety is something that can do without, and that "certain privileges" (sic) should make room for the market, otherwise we would have the privileges, but we would not the factory.
university we had a whole lesson on those "certain privileges." In the end, steriel in his historical analysis, it was simply called Workers' Statute and, believe me they did study what was owed. For the republican bureaucracy, it is the parliamentary law No 300/1970, and the father of this new law called Giacomo Brodolini, a socialist reformer whose chronicles contemporary should remember the name most often. The law went "Regulations on the protection of freedom and dignity of workers, freedom of association and of trade union in the workplace and regulations on employment. "Unfortunately, I think, this law took the form of a measure" left "because of its natural fruit history, which began in autumn of 1969 hot . That series of strikes (union or not) shocked Italy, and even lived his hyperbole stragista in the attack in Piazza Fontana. But as I said, this is not the point. The important thing is to focus on the words. And this point of view, it is important to ask whether the trade union freedom or activity to be put at risk in Italy. In fact, adding, unfortunately, I wonder whether it is in endanger the holder of the first part of the law, namely the "freedom" (in general) and the "dignity" of employees.
In three months, the Fiat, the company that represented more than any other has, incredibly, and once again, concentration changes of this country, has placed the problem of the Statute of Workers. In June, while the counting was underway in Pomigliano the referendum, has been afforded an ultimatum: either get a majority in the Bulgarian business plan or we would be forced to shift production and exit permanently from Confindustria, which does not represent us. The majority, who also was there, but not Bulgarian, did not arrive. When dignity is opposed to a simple worker productivity is the calculation of interest in the game: either you're on my terms or I go to those who ask less of you. And so it was.
Finally, the case history of the last day of the strike of Melfi, also Fiat factory, where better than the other times he has witnessed the spectacle of confrontation, in which some unions maintained their positions at the expense of a company that For the first time in several years, decided to dismiss workers, trade unionists.
Controversy on the merits of the newspapers are full, and not worth dwelling here. But one thing I wonder: how do you interpret one of the most grandi aziende italiane, il concetto di Progresso? Progresso della dignità umana, o Produttività? I concetti sono equiparabili, non c’è nessun dubbio, ma quale ha la prevalenza nel mondo globalizzato? Vogliamo rifarci ai valori del mercatismo tout court (termine caro al ministro Tremonti) oppure ci vogliamo riprendere il senso di un’economia occidentale che prima o poi dovrà rimettere l’Uomo al suo centro?
In ogni caso, io ho ancora in mente Pasolini. Ma non quello del progresso e dello sviluppo. Preferisco quello del film “Teorema”, un film che visto a diciannove anni mi ha fatto star male per tre giorni. Alla fine (e nel prologo) del film, un grande Massimo Girotti era un industriale che donava his factory to his workers. It was then the sign of revenge on the Marxist capitalism, and perhaps this is completely anachronistic.
Today, out of ideology, does not serve the working properties of the means of production, serving only their dignity.

Saturday, August 21, 2010

How Do You Get Rid Ofa Banine Tumor

La quinta busta

Because they did it all, I want to give my memory of former President Cossiga. It was 1992, and the Brionvega green in my kitchen, still in black and white, I remember a clear passage of the resignation of the President's speech, given on national television. I must say that I have watched my mother a little 'stunned, and probably even she seemed too convinced. In retrospect, those thoughts seem right, visto quanto poi è accaduto nel corso dell’estate, con Falcone e Borsellino. Per un incredibile meccanica, inspiegabile anche per i sociologi del tempo, ai bambini della mia età Cossiga risultava popolare quanto i personaggi dei cartoni animati della allora Fininvest, con un gradimento imbarazzante che superava addirittura quello per Gesù Bambino. Io con i miei dieci anni, non facevo certo eccezione alla media, e sebbene ci siano anche testimonianze di un mio incontro qualche anno prima con Pertini a Cortina, il “Presidente di tutti” pare non mi avesse fatto lo stesso effetto. Dall’album di famiglia risulta che ero molto più interessato a cercare di parlare con una mucca.

I ricordi sono sempre la riflessione personal experiences of historical events from us, and when I started a few years later, in a state of semi shock, to devour books on Italian terrorism, I discovered that Cossiga was what he had failed to save Moro by the Red Brigades. That second grandfather was then turned into a bad person, a Cossiga with the "kappa", perhaps with the CIA from the beginning of those 55 days, and had not done anything to save him that my eyes could not be a hero, a martyr. But how would
Andreotti, the situation was a bit 'more complex needs and adolescence of friends and enemies, white or black, that was not help to think about. I struggle to say that history will to judge this' man of the State. Labors, for the development of history is in the hands of men who in their fallibility and their intentions corruptibility bend all sorts of interpretation. Even more so in Italy, where death arouses more emotion than any other company in the world, so much to bring even those who have the duty of the scientific analysis, to speak to the belly of its counterparts, finishing once again a heartbreaking memories faithful husband and father on the specimen.

In my heart, I hope that there is a fifth envelope, as well as those given in the hands of four other state offices. I hope that it is instead filed a Studio Notarile e che rechi a fronte la dicitura “per il Popolo Italiano ”. Ho la speranza che il giorno in cui i suoi congiunti leggeranno le ultime volontà del presidente emerito, il notaio dica : “un momento, vi è un ultimo testo da leggere”. Se dovesse arrivare questo momento, vorrei che ci fosse una web cam e le telecamere della televisione a riprendere, quasi fosse un ottavo e non previsto messaggio di fine anno. Mi immagino la gente seduta al bar concentrata nel sentire, i parenti delle vittime della strage di Bologna esplodere in un pianto liberatorio, la famiglia Moro stringere i pugni, i suoi “gladiatori” mordersi le labbra come evidente segno di nervosismo.

Io immagino, ma non credo che accadrà. Yet it would be incredible would be a sign of recovery of the primary sense of the politics of the polis as well. Because historical truth does not exist without the primary good of the community. That must be why, in the Anglo-Saxon world that the political mind is treated worse than stealing.
However, and unfortunately, the historical truth that would do so well, is hopelessly at odds with the reason of state, with the value which, like it or not, we must reckon with.

For all these reasons, I suspend all my judgments, waiting for the fifth envelope. Let's say that one who had important responsibilities in our country, not only political but personal, and whoever it is, may be judged on the basis of this discrimination: the courage. The courage to say what the Italians Italians imagine, think they know but do not yet know. If, however, to ensure that their interests would not know they face ever stronger, it gave strength to the reason of Truth, perhaps the same policy would gain a strong advantage.

Who knows, I hope there is still fifth in the envelope.